Germany–Japan relations

German–Japanese relations
Map indicating locations of Germany and Japan


Re-constructed in the 1990s, the Japanese embassy in Berlin's Hiroshima Street was originally built from 1938 to 1942, and thus is a symbol for German–Japanese relations since that time.

German–Japanese relations were established in 1860 with the first ambassadorial visit to Japan from Prussia (which predated the formation of the German Empire in 1871). Japan modernized rapidly after the Meiji Restoration of 1867, often using German models through intense intellectual and cultural exchange. After 1900 Japan aligned itself with Britain and the two countries were enemies in World War I. Japan declared war on Germany in 1914 and seized key German possessions in China and the Pacific.

In the 1930s, both countries adopted aggressive militaristic attitudes toward their respective regions. This led to a rapprochement and, eventually, a political and military alliance that included Italy: the "Axis". During the Second World War, however, the Axis was limited by the great distances between the Axis powers; for the most part, Japan and Germany fought separate wars, and eventually surrendered separately.

After the Second World War, the economies of both nations experienced rapid recoveries; bilateral relations, now focused on economic issues, were soon re-established. Today, Japan and Germany are, respectively, the third and fourth largest economies in the world,[1] and benefit greatly from many kinds of political, cultural, scientific and economic cooperation.

According to a late 2012 Bertelsmann Foundation Poll, the Germans view Japan overwhelmingly positively, and regard that nation as less a competitor and more a partner. The Japanese views of Germany are positive as well, with 47% viewing Germany positively and only 3% viewing Germany negatively.[2] However, according to a BBC poll in 2013, while the Japanese views haven't changed, 46% of the Germans now view Japan's influence negatively and only 28% expressed a positive view.[3]


  • Country comparison 1
  • History 2
    • First contacts and end of Japanese isolation (before 1871) 2.1
      • Japanese diplomatic mission in Prussia 2.1.1
    • Modernization of Japan and educational exchange (1871–1885) 2.2
    • Cooling of relations and World War I (1885–1920) 2.3
    • Rapprochement, Axis and World War II (1920–1945) 2.4
      • Consolidation of cooperation 2.4.1
      • Formation of the Axis 2.4.2
      • Stalling coordination of joint war plans 2.4.3
      • Japan enters World War II 2.4.4
      • Alleged German-Japanese long-term conspiracy 2.4.5
    • Post-WWII developments 2.5
      • Rebuilding relations and new common interests 2.5.1
      • Current relations 2.5.2
  • See also 3
  • References 4
  • Further reading 5
    • English 5.1
    • Other languages 5.2
  • External links 6

Country comparison

Germany Japan
Population 82,029,000 130, 053,000
Area 357,021 km2 (137,847 sq mi) 377,944 km2 (145,925 sq mi )
Population Density 229/km2 (593/sq mi) 337.1/km2 (873.1/sq mi)
Capital Berlin Tokyo
Largest City Berlin – 3,513,026 (6,000,000 Metro) Tokyo – 13,185,502 (35,682,460 Metro)
Government Federal parliamentary constitutional republic Unitary parliamentary constitutional monarchy
Official languages German (de facto and de jure) Japanese (de facto)
Main religions 67.07% Christianity, 29.6% non-Religious, 5% Islam,
0.25% Buddhism, 0.25% Judaism, 0.1% Hinduism, 0.11% Sikhism
Ethnic groups 80.0% German,[4][5][6][7] 5% Turkish, 15% other 98.5% Japanese, 0.5% Korean, 0.4% Chinese, 0.6% other
GDP (nominal) $3.577 trillion, (per capita $43,741) $5.869 trillion, (per capita $45,920)
Expatriate populations 5,971 German-born people live in Japan 35,725 Japanese-born people live in Germany
Military expenditures $46.7 billion[8] $59.3 billion[8]


First contacts and end of Japanese isolation (before 1871)

Philipp Franz Balthasar von Siebold contributed greatly to Europe's perception of it.

Relations between Japan and Germany date from the Tokugawa shogunate (1603–1868), when Germans in Dutch service arrived in Japan to work for the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The first well-documented cases are those of the physicians Engelbert Kaempfer (1651–1716) and Philipp Franz Balthasar von Siebold (1796–1866) in the 1820s and 1860s respectively. Both accompanied the director of the Dutch trading post at Dejima on the obligatory voyage to Edo to pay tribute to the Shogun. Siebold became the author of Nippon, Archiv zur Beschreibung von Japan (Nippon, Archive For The Description of Japan), one of the most valuable sources of information on Japan well into the 20th century;[9] since 1979 his achievements have been recognised with an annual German award in his honour, the Philipp Franz von Siebold-Preis, granted to Japanese scientists.[10] Von Siebold's second visit to Japan (1859-1862) became a disaster because he tried to influence Dutch politics in Japan and tried to obtain a permanent post as a diplomat in that country.

In 1854 the United States pressured Japan into the Convention of Kanagawa, which ended Japan's isolation, but was considered an "unequal treaty" by the Japanese public,[11] since the US did not reciprocate most of Japan's concessions with similar privileges. In many cases Japan was effectively forced into a system of extraterritoriality that provided for the subjugation of foreign residents to the laws of their own consular courts instead of the Japanese law system, open up ports for trade, and later even allow Christian missionaries to enter the country. Shortly after the end of Japan's seclusion, in a period called "Bakumatsu" (幕末, "End of the Shogunate"), the first German traders arrived in Japan. In 1860 Count Friedrich Albrecht zu Eulenburg led the Eulenburg Expedition to Japan as ambassador from Prussia, a leading regional state in the German Confederation at that time. After four months of negotiations, another "unequal treaty", officially dedicated to amity and commerce, was signed in January 1861 between Prussia and Japan.[12]

Despite being considered one of the numerous unjust negotiations pressed on Japan during that time, the Eulenburg Expedition, and both the short- and long-term consequences of the treaty of amity and commerce, are today honoured as the beginning of official Japanese-German relations. To commemorate its 150th anniversary, events were held in both Germany and Japan from autumn 2010 through autumn 2011 hoping "to 'raise the treasures of [their] common past' in order to build a bridge to the future."[13]

Japanese diplomatic mission in Prussia

In 1863, three years after von Eulenburg's visit in Tokyo, a Shogunal legation arrived at the Prussian court of King Wilhelm I and was greeted with a grandiose ceremony in Berlin. After the treaty was signed, Max von Brandt became diplomatic representative in Japan – first representing Prussia, and after 1866 representing the North German Confederation, and by 1871 representing the newly established German Empire.[14]

In 1868 the Tokugawa Shogunate was overthrown and the Empire of Japan under Emperor Meiji was established. With the return of power to the Tenno Dynasty, Japan demanded a revocation of the "unequal treaties" with the western powers and a civil war ensued. During the conflict, German weapons trader Henry Schnell counselled and supplied weapons to the Daimyo of Nagaoka, a land lord loyal to the Shogunate.[15] One year later, the war ended with the defeat of the Tokugawa and the renegotiation of the "unequal treaties".[16]

Modernization of Japan and educational exchange (1871–1885)

Japanese minister Ito Hirobumi studied European constitutions in Berlin and Vienna in 1882 as templates for a Japanese legal basis.

With the start of the Nogi Maresuke.[19]

In 1889 the ‘Constitution of the Empire of Japan’ was promulgated, greatly influenced by German legal scholars Rudolf von Gneist and Lorenz von Stein, whom the Meiji oligarch and future Prime Minister of Japan Itō Hirobumi (1841–1909) visited in Berlin and Vienna in 1882. At the request of the German government, Albert Mosse also met with Hirobumi and his group of government officials and scholars and gave a series of lectures on constitutional law, which helped to convince Hirobumi that the Prussian-style monarchical constitution was best-suited for Japan. In 1886 Mosse was invited to Japan on a three-year contract as "hired foreigner" to the Japanese government to assist Hirobumi and Inoue Kowashi in drafting the Meiji Constitution. He later worked on other important legal drafts, international agreements, and contracts and served as a cabinet advisor in the Home Ministry, assisting Prime Minister Yamagata Aritomo in establishing the draft laws and systems for local government.[20] Dozens of Japanese students and military officers also went to Germany in the late 19th century, to study the German military system and receive military training at German army educational facilities and within the ranks of the German, mostly the Prussian army. For example later famous writer Mori Rintarô (Mori Ōgai), who originally was an army doctor, received tutoring in the German language between 1872 and 1874, which was the primary language for medical education at the time. From 1884 to 1888, Ōgai visited Germany and developed an interest in European literature producing the first translations of the works of Goethe, Schiller, and Gerhart Hauptmann.[21]

Cooling of relations and World War I (1885–1920)

The "Knackfuss painting", a popular illustration from 1895 of European awkwardness toward an expanding Japan

At the end of the 19th century, Japanese–German relations cooled due to Germany’s, and in general Europe's, imperialist aspirations in East Asia. After the conclusion of the First Sino-Japanese War in April 1895, the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed, which included several territorial cessions from China to Japan, most importantly Taiwan and the eastern portion of the bay of the Liaodong Peninsula including Port Arthur. However, Russia, France and Germany grew wary of an ever-expanding Japanese sphere of influence and wanted to take advantage of China's bad situation by expanding their own colonial possessions instead. The frictions culminated in the so-called "Triple Intervention" on 23 April 1895, when the three powers "urged" Japan to refrain from acquiring its awarded possessions on the Liaodong Peninsula.[22] In the following years, Wilhelm II’s nebulous fears of a “Yellow Peril” – a united Asia under Japanese leadership, led to further Japanese–German estrangement. Wilhelm II also introduced a regulation to limit the number of members of the Japanese army to come to Germany to study the military system.[23]

Another stress test for German–Japanese relations was the

Soviet spy Richard Sorge, a Soviet spy disguised as a German journalist working for Eugen Ott, the German ambassador in Tokyo, advised the Red Army on 14 September 1941, that the Japanese were not going to attack the Soviet Union until:

  • Moscow was captured
  • the size of the Kwantung Army was three times that of the Soviet Union's Far Eastern forces
  • a civil war had started in Siberia.[57]

Toward the end of September 1941, Sorge transmitted information that Japan would not initiate hostilities against the USSR in the East, thereby freeing Red Army divisions stationed in Siberia for the defence of Moscow. In October 1941 Sorge was unmasked and arrested by the Japanese. Apparently, he was entirely trusted by the German ambassador Eugen Ott, and was allowed access to top secret cables from Berlin in the embassy in Tokyo. Eventually, this involvement would lead to

  • OAG (German East Asiatic Society)
  • German Institute for Japanese Studies, Tōkyō
  • Japanese–German Center, Berlin
  • The Knackfuss Painting

External links

  • Hübner, Stefan (2009) Hitler und Ostasien, 1904 bis 1933. Die Entwicklung von Hitlers Japan- und Chinabild vom Russisch-Japanischen Krieg bis zur "Machtergreifung" [Hitler and East Asia, 1904 to 1933. The Development of Hitler’s Image of Japan and China from the Russo-Japanese War to the "Coming to Power"], in OAG-Notizen 9/2009, 22–41.
  • Ishii, Shiro et al. (ed.): Fast wie mein eigen Vaterland: Briefe aus Japan 1886–1889. [Almost as my own Motherland: Letters from Japan]. München: Iudicium 1995.
  • Kreiner, Josef (ed.). (1984) Deutschland – Japan. Historische Kontakte [Germany – Japan. Historical Contacts]. Bonn: Bouvier.
  • Kreiner, Josef (ed.). (1986) Japan und die Mittelmächte im Ersten Weltkrieg und in den zwanziger Jahren [Japan and the Central Powers in World War I and the 1920s]. Bonn: Bouvier.
  • Kreiner, Josef and Regine Mathias (ed.). (1990) Deutschland–Japan in der Zwischenkriegszeit [Germany – Japan in the inter-war period]. Bonn: Bouvier.
  • Pantzer, Peter und Saaler, Sven: Japanische Impressionen eines Kaiserlichen Gesandten. Karl von Eisendecher im Japan der Meiji-Zeit/明治初期の日本 - ドイツ外交官アイゼンデッヒャー公使の写真帖より (A German Diplomat in Meiji Japan: Karl von Eisendecher. German/Japanese). München: Iudicium, 2007.
  • Martin, Bernd and Gerhard Krebs (eds.). (1994) Formierung und Fall der Achse Berlin–Tôkyô [Construction and Fall of the Berlin–Tôkyô Axis]. Munich: iudicium.
  • Martin, Bernd. (2001) Deutschland und Japan im Zweiten Weltkrieg 1940–1945, Vom Angriff auf Pearl Harbor bis zu deutschen Kapitulation Nikol Verlagsgesellschaft mdH & Co. KG,Hamburg.

Other languages

  • Akira, Kudo. (1998) Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period (Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese Studies) (1998)
  • Martin, Bernd (2005). Japan and Germany in the Modern World. Berghahn Books. 
  • Hübner, Stefan (2012), "National Socialist Foreign Policy and Press Instructions, 1933-1939: Aims and Ways of Coverage Manipulation based on the Example of East Asia," International History Review 34#2 pp 271–291. online
  • Katada, Saori N., Hanns Maull and Takashi Inoguchi, eds. Global Governance: Germany and Japan in the International System (2004)
  • Presseisen, Ernst L. (1958) Germany and Japan – A Study in Totalitarian Diplomacy 1933–1941. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff.
  • Spang, Christian W. and Rolf-Harald Wippich (eds.). (2006) Japanese–German Relations, 1895–1945. War, Diplomacy and Public Opinion (ISBN 0-415-34248-1). London: Routledge. excerpt and text search
  • Warner, Geoffrey. "From Pearl Harbour to Stalingrad: Germany and its Allies in 1942," International Affairs, April 1978, Vol. 54 Issue 2, pp 282–92
  • Weinberg, Gerhard L. A World at Arms (2nd ed 2013) global history of WW2 by leading expert on German diplomacy excerpt and text search


Further reading

  1. ^ International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database, October 2009: Nominal GDP list of countries. Data for the year 2008.
  2. ^ "Germans still have a positive view of Japan". 
  3. ^ 2013 World Service Poll BBC
  4. ^ , page 64 detailed estimates
  5. ^ Germans without any migrant background.
  6. ^
  7. ^
  8. ^ a b SIPRI Yearbook 2012 – 15 countries with the highest military expenditure in 2011
  9. ^ Eberhard Friese: Philipp Franz von Siebold als früher Exponent der Ostasienwissenschaften. = Berliner Beiträge zur sozial- und wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Japan-Forschung Bd. 15. Bochum 1983 ISBN 3-88339-315-0
  10. ^ "Siebold-Preis". Retrieved 9 February 2010. 
  11. ^ Bert Edström, Bert. (2000) p. 101The Japanese and Europe: Images and Perceptions,
  12. ^ Louis M. Cullen. A history of Japan 1582–1941: internal and external worlds (2003 ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-52918-2
  13. ^ German Consulate General Osaka-Kobe: 150 Years Germany-Japan: Friendship with Future
  14. ^ Masako Hiyama: „Max von Brandt (1835–1920)“. In: Brückenbauer. Pioniere des japanisch-deutschen Kulturaustausches. iudicium, Berlin 2005. ISBN 3-89129-539-1
  15. ^ Adachi Yoshio 阿達義雄. Kaishō Suneru to Boshin Niigata kōbōsen 怪商スネルと戊辰新潟攻防戦. Niigata: Toyano Shuppan 鳥屋野出版, 1985
  16. ^ Keene, Donald (2005). Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852–1912. Columbia. ISBN 0-231-12340-X; p. 142
  17. ^ The statue was removed in 1945 at the conclusion of World War II. Georg Kerst: Jacob Meckel. Sein Leben, sein Wirken in Deutschland und Japan. Musterschmidt, Göttingen 1970
  18. ^ Welch, Claude Emerson. (1976). Civilian Control of the Military: Theory and Cases from Developing Countries Albany: State University of New York Press. 10-ISBN 0-87395-348-7; 13-ISBN 978-0-87395-348-1, p. 161
  19. ^ Lone, Stewart (2000). Army, Empire, and Politics in Meiji Japan: The Three Careers of General Katsura Taro. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-23289-6
  20. ^ Sims, Richard. Japanese Political History Since the Meiji Renovation 1868–2000. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-23915-7
  21. ^ Mori Ôgai. A Bibliography of Western-Language Materials. Compiled by Harald Salomon. Incorporating the Findings of Rosa Wunner in Japonica Humboldtiana 2 (1998), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2008. 178 S., 1 Abb. (Izumi 10)
  22. ^ a b Kajima, Morinosuke. The Diplomacy of Japan, 1894–1922, Tokyo, 1976
  23. ^ Yellow Peril, Collection of Historical Sources, in 5 vols., edited by Yorimitsu Hashimoto, Tokyo: Edition Synapse. ISBN 978-4-86166-033-7
  24. ^ Barbara Vogel: Deutsche Rußlandpolitik. 1973
  25. ^ Schultz-Naumann, p. 207. The Naruto camp orchestra (enlarged from the band of the III. Seebatallion) gave Beethoven and Bach concerts throughout Japan wearing their uniforms
  26. ^ Louis (1967), pp. 117–130
  27. ^ Sun Yat-sen. The International Development of China page 298. China Cultural Service, Taipei, 1953
  28. ^ Masako Hiyama: "Wilhelm Solf (1862–1936)". In: Brückenbauer. Pioniere des japanisch-deutschen Kulturaustausches. Hg. vom Japanisch-Deutschen Zentrum Berlin und der Japanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft Tokyo. iudicium, Berlin 2005. ISBN 3-89129-539-1
  29. ^ Edwin P. Hoyt. Yamamoto: The man who planned Pearl Harbor (McGraw-Hill 1990). p. 101
  30. ^ a b c Peter Tsouras: "Rising Sun Victorious", Lionel Leventhal Limited 2001, ISBN 978-0-345-49016-2.
  31. ^ a b "Adolf Hitler". Retrieved 9 February 2010. 
  32. ^ Princess Chichibu, The Silver Drum, Global Oriental, 1996, p.137
  33. ^ Hsu Long-hsuen and Chang Ming-kai, History of The Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) 2nd Ed. ,1971. Translated by Wen Ha-hsiung , Chung Wu Publishing; 33, 140th Lane, Tung-hwa Street, Taipei, Taiwan Republic of China
  34. ^ a b Bloch & 1992 178–179
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  36. ^ Derek Fraser: Berlin. The Buildings of Europe. Manchester University Press ND, 1996, ISBN 0-7190-4022-1, S. 53
  37. ^ Matthias Donath: Architektur in Berlin 1933–1945, herausgegeben vom Landesdenkmalamt Berlin. Lukas Verlag, Berlin 2007, S. 101. ISBN 3-936872-26-0
  38. ^ a b c d e John Costello: "The Pacific War 1941–1945, Harper-Perennial, New York 1982"
  39. ^ Reluctant Allies: German–Japanese Naval Relations in World War II – Book Review by Holger H. Herwig
  40. ^ Maechling, Charles. Pearl Harbor: The First Energy War. History Today. Dec. 2000
  41. ^ a b c Jäckel, Eberhard: Hitler in History. ISBN 0-87451-502-5
  42. ^ Nekrich, Ulam & Freeze 1997, p. 192
  43. ^ Ericson, Edward E. (1999), Feeding the German Eagle: Soviet Economic Aid to Nazi Germany, 1933–1941, Greenwood Publishing Group, p. 138, ISBN 0-275-96337-3
  44. ^ "war and social upheaval: World War II – the Axis". Retrieved 9 February 2010. 
  45. ^ The Jews of Japan" by Daniel Ari Kapner and Stephen Levine""". Retrieved 9 February 2010. 
  46. ^ a b Martin, Bernd and Gerhard Krebs (Hg.). (1994) Formierung und Fall der Achse Berlin-Tôkyô. München: iudicium
  47. ^ Woods, John E. (1998). The Good man of Nanking, the Diaries of John Rabe
  48. ^ a b "World: Is Hitler Running Japan?". TIME. 2 March 1942. Retrieved 9 February 2010. 
  49. ^ Boog, Horst; Rahn, Werner; Stumpf, Reinhard et al., eds. (2001), Germany and the Second World War. Volume 6: The Global War, Oxford University Press, pp. 166–167,  
  50. ^ AutomedonThe sinking of
  51. ^ Seki, Eiji. (2006). Mrs. Ferguson's Tea-Set, Japan and the Second World War: The Global Consequences Following Germany's Sinking of the SS Automedon in 1940. London: Global Oriental. 10-ISBN 1-905246-28-5; 13- ISBN 978-1-905246-28-1 (cloth) reprinted by University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 2007 – Sinking of the SS Automedon and the Role of the Japanese Navy: A New Interpretationpreviously announced as
  52. ^ Trial of German Major War Criminals, vol. 3, pp. 376–377. Italics in the original
  53. ^ Trial of German Major War Criminals, vol. 3, p. 378
  54. ^ Roberts 2006, p. 63
  55. ^ # Roberts, Geoffrey (2006), Stalin's Wars: From World War to Cold War, 1939–1953, Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-11204-1
  56. ^ Bernd Martin Deutschland und Japan im Zweiten Weltkrieg 1940–1945, Vom Angriff auf Pearl Harbor bis zu deutschen Kapitulation. Nikol Verlagsgesellschaft mdH & Co. KG,Hamburg, 2001
  57. ^ Prange, Gordon W. Gordon Prange with Donald M. Goldstein and Katherine V. Dillon Target Tokyo The Story of the Sorge Spy Ring. New York: McGraw-Hill 1984. ISBN 0-07-050677-9
  58. ^ Bernd Martin Deutschland und Japan im Zweiten Weltkrieg 1940–1945, Vom Angriff auf Pearl Harbor bis zu deutschen Kapitulation. Nikol Verlagsgesellschaft mdH & Co. KG,Hamburg, 2001, pp. 122–136
  59. ^ Irvine H. Anderson, Jr. De Facto Embargo on Oil to Japan: A Bureaucratic Reflex. The Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 44, No. 2 (May 1975), p. 201
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  61. ^ Lightbody, Bradley. The Second World War: Ambitions to Nemesis, p. 125
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  63. ^ John Toland: Adolf Hitler. Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 1977, ISBN 3-7857-0207-8
  64. ^ A different World, by Joseph Goebbels
  65. ^ Trial transcripts at Nuremberg 11 December 1945. More details of the exchanges at the meeting are available online at
  66. ^ [1] Nazi Conspiracy & Aggression Volume I Chapter IX – Collaboration with Italy & Japan: Aggressive War Against the United States, November 1936 to December 1941 (Part 10 of 12)
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  68. ^ a b Felton Mark (2005),Yanagi: The Secret Underwater Trade between Germany and Japan 1942–1945, Leo Cooper Ltd
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  109. ^
  110. ^


See also

On 2 April 2011, German Foreign Minister Westerwelle visited Tokyo on an Asia voyage, again offering Japan "all help, where it is needed" to recover from the tsunami and subsequent nuclear disaster of the previous month. Westerwelle also emphasised the importance of making progress with a free trade agreement between Japan and the European Union in order to accelerate the recovery of the Japanese economy. Together with his German counterpart, Japanese foreign minister Takeaki Matsumoto also addressed potential new fields of cooperation between Tokyo and Berlin with respect to a reform of the United Nations Security Council.[110]

On Friday 11 March 2011, the Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami, the most powerful known earthquake to hit Japan at the time, and one of the five most powerful recorded earthquakes of which Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan said, "In the 65 years after the end of World War II, this is the toughest and the most difficult crisis for Japan."[102] hit Honshu. The earthquake and the resulting tsunami not only devastated wide coastal areas in Miyagi Prefecture but also caused the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster triggering a widespread permanent evacuation surrounding the Fukushima I Nuclear Power Plant.[103][104][105] German chancellor Angela Merkel immediately expressed her deepest sympathy to all those affected and promised Japan any assistance it would call for. As a consequence rescue specialists from the Technisches Hilfswerk as well as a scout team of I.S.A.R. Germany (International Search and Rescue) were sent to Japan, however parts of the German personnel had to be recalled due to radiation danger near the damaged power plant.[106] Furthermore, the German Aerospace Center provided TerraSAR-X- and RapidEye-satellite imagery of the affected area.[107] In the days after the disaster, numerous flowers, candles and paper cranes were placed in front of the Japanese embassy in Berlin by compassionates, including leading German politicians.[108] Though never materialised, additional proposals for aid included sending special units of the German Bundeswehr to Japan, as the German Armed Forces' decontamination equipment belongs to the most sophisticated in the world.[109]

The devastating Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami in 2011 caused a wave of sympathy and compassion in Germany (flowers in front of the Japanese embassy in Berlin).
"150 years of friendship – Germany-Japan" – Logo commemorating the Eulenburg Expedition of 1861
[101] in the heart of Tokyo.Meiji Shrine, before which the German foreign minister visited the famous Yukio Hatoyama are considered to be an appropriate instrument of pressure. Furthermore, Westerwelle and Okada agreed to enhance cooperation in Afghanistan and to step up the stagnating bilateral trade between both countries. The visit was concluded in talks with Japan's Prime Minister international sanctions should assume a leading role in realizing a world free of nuclear weapons and that [100],ABC weapons, it was also stressed that Japan and Germany, both technically capable of and yet refraining from possessing any Iran's nuclear program, on both nation's bilateral relations and global issues. Westerwelle emphasized, that and both ministers instructed their Ministries to draw up disarmament initiatives and strategies which Berlin and Tokyo can present to the international community together. Especially with regard to Katsuya Okada conducted his personal inaugural visit to Japan, focusing the talks with his Japanese counterpart, Guido WesterwelleOn 14 and 15 January 2010, German foreign minister

Unaffected by any stagnating German-Japanese trade relations, the Japanese community in Düsseldorf, home to Europe's largest Japantown, is growing again after a decline in the 1980s and 1990s. In 2008, over 8000 Japanese lived in the Düsseldorf area, which features a Japanese school, two kindergartens, three libraries and numerous Japanese clubs. Moreover, over 200 Japanese companies are active in that region, creating over 20,000 jobs.[99] The Japanese community is widely considered a great asset for Düsseldorf.

A Japanese supermarket in Düsseldorf, home of Europe's largest Japantown.

Nevertheless, as of 2008, Japan still was Germany's second largest trading partner in Asia after China.[98] In 2006, German imports from Japan totaled €15.6 billion and German exports to Japan €14.2 billion (15.4% and 9% more than the previous year, respectively). In 2008, however, Japanese exports and imports to and from the European Union fell by 7.8 and 4.8% after growing by 5.8% in 2007 due to the global financial crisis. Bilateral trade between Germany and Japan also shrank in 2008, with imports from Japan having dropped by 6.6% and German exports to Japan having declined by 5.5%. Despite Japan having remained Germany's principal trading partner in Asia after China in 2008, measured in terms of total German foreign trade, Japan’s share of both exports and imports is relatively low and falls well short of the potential between the world’s third- and fifth-largest economies.[82]

Klaus Schwab from Germany greets Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at the 2009 World Economic Forum.
wrote in a commemoration to the 20th anniversary of the Japanese-German Center in Berlin that Kiichi MiyazawaCertain inefficiencies with respect to the bilateral cooperation between Germany and Japan were also reflected in 2005, when former Japanese Prime Minister

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, Germany and Japan, being the United Nations' second and third largest funders respectively, demanded a G4 nations". On 21 September 2004, the G4 issued a joint statement mutually backing each other's claim to permanent seats, together with two African countries. This proposal has found opposition in a group of countries called Uniting for Consensus. In January 2006, Japan announced that it would not support putting the G4 resolution back on the table and was working on a resolution of its own.[96]

Current relations

In 2004, German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi agreed upon cooperations in the assistance for reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan,[91][92] the promotion of economic exchange activities,[93] youth and sports exchanges[94] as well as exchanges and cooperation in science, technology and academic fields.[95]

In 2000, bilateral cultural exchange culminated in the "Japan in Germany" year, which was then followed by the "Germany in Japan" year in 2005/2006.[89] Also in 2005, the annual German Film Festival in Tokyo was brought into being.[90]

  • Pillar 1: Contribution for peace and stability of the international community
  • Pillar 2: Consolidation of economic and trade relationships, under benefit of globalization impulses.
  • Pillar 3: Contribution for a solution of global problems and social duties and responsibilities.
  • Pillar 4: Contribution for the stability in the regions (Korean Peninsula, People's Republic of China, former Yugoslavia, Russia, South Asia, new independent states, Middle East and Gulf region, Middle and South America, East Timor, Africa)
  • Pillar 5: Further constitution of faithful political relations between Japan and Germany
  • Pillar 6: Promotion of economic relations
  • Pillar 7: Promotion of mutual understanding and the cultural relations

Post-war relations between Japan and both Germanies, as well as with unified Germany since 1990, have generally focused on economic and business questions. Germany, dedicated to free trade, continues to be Japan’s largest trading partner within Europe. This general posture is also reflected in the so-called "7 pillars of cooperation" agreed on by Foreign Minister of Japan Yōhei Kōno and Foreign Minister of Germany Joschka Fischer on 30 October 2000:[88]

Around the mid-1980s, German and Japanese representatives decided to rebuild the old Japanese embassy in Berlin from 1938. Its remains had remained unused after the building was largely destroyed during World War II. In addition to the original complex, several changes and additions were made until 2000, like moving the main entrance to the Hiroshima Street, which was named in honour of the Japanese city, and the creation of a traditional Japanese Garden.[86][87]

Over the following years, institutions, such as in 1985 the "Japanese–German Center" (JDZB) in Berlin[84] and in 1988 the "German Institute for Japanese Studies" (DIJ) in Tokyo,[85] were founded to further contribute to the academic and scientific exchange between Japan and Germany.

German-Japanese political dealings were enlarged with both countries taking part in the creation of the so-called Group of Six, or simply "G6", together with the US, the UK, France and Italy in 1975 as a response to the 1973 oil crisis. The G6 was soon expanded by Canada and later Russia, with G6-, G7-, and later G8-, summits being held annually since then.[83]

Five of the leaders at the 4th G7 summit in 1978 with Japanese Prime Minister Takeo Fukuda and German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt being second and fourth from the left.

Beginning in the 1950s, Japanese companies sought to acquire needed raw materials like steel and chemical products in the German Ruhr region, with a small Japanese business community in Düsseldorf.[81] In 1974, West Germany and Japan signed an intergovernmental agreement on cooperation in science and technology, re-intensifying joint scientific endeavours and technological exchange. The accord resulted in numerous projects, generally focused on marine research and geosciences, life sciences and environmental research. Additionally, youth exchange programs were launched, including a "Youth Summit" held annually since 1974.[82]

After their defeat in World War II, both Japan and Germany were occupied. Japan regained its sovereignty with the Treaty of San Francisco in 1952 and joined the United Nations in 1956. Germany was split into two states. It was agreed in 1951 to take up diplomatic relations between Japan and the Federal Republic of (West Germany) again.[79] The bilateral diplomatic ties between West Germany and Japan were fully restored in 1955; between East Germany and Japan in 1973, the year both German states became UN-members.[80]

Rebuilding relations and new common interests

Post-WWII developments

[78] According to modern historic research, however, such a conspiracy did not exist and is considered Allied propaganda. Although there was a limited and cautious military cooperation between Japan and Germany during the Second World War, no documents corroborating any long-term planning or real coordination of military operations of both powers exist.[77]. Here it was the goal of the Allied prosecutors to portray the limited cooperation between the Third Reich and Imperial Japan as a long-planned conspiracy to divide the world among the two Axis-partners and thereby delivering just another demonstration of the common viciousness expressed by alleged joint long-term war plans.Nuremberg Trials, major German war crimes were dealt with at the Tokyo TrialsAfter the Second World War was officially concluded with the capitulation of the Empire of Japan, plans for trying the major German and Japanese war criminals were quickly implemented in 1946. While Japanese officials had to face the

Alleged German-Japanese long-term conspiracy

As the war progressed and Germany began to retreat further, Japanese ambassador Ōshima never wavered in his confidence that Germany would emerge victorious. However, in March 1945 he reported to Tokyo on the "danger of Berlin becoming a battlefield" and revealing a fear "that the abandonment of Berlin may take place another month". On 13 April, he met with Ribbentrop — for the last time, it turned out — and vowed to stand with the leaders of the Third Reich in their hour of crisis but had to leave Berlin at once by Hitler's direct order.[76] On 7 and 8 May 1945, as the German government surrendered to the Allied powers, Ōshima and his staff were taken into custody and brought to the United States. Now fighting an even more hopeless war, the Japanese government immediately denounced the German surrender as an act of treason and interned the few German individuals as well as confiscated all German property (such as submarines) in Japanese territory at the time.[46] Four months later, on 2 September, Japan had to sign its own surrender documents.

In the face of their failing war plans, Japanese and German representatives more and more began to deceive each other at tactical briefings by exaggerating minor victories and deemphasizing losses. In several talks in spring and summer 1943 between Generaloberst Alfred Jodl and the Japanese naval attaché in Berlin, Vice Admiral Naokuni Nomura, Jodl downplayed the afore described defeats of the German Army, e.g. by claiming the Soviet offensive would soon run out of steam and that "anywhere the Wehrmacht can be sent on land, it is sure of its untertaking, but where it has to be taken over sea, it becomes somewhat more difficult." [74] Japan, on the other hand, not only evaded any disclosure of its true strategic position in the Pacific, but also declined any interference in American shipments being unloaded at Vladivostok and large amounts of men and material being transported from East Siberia to the German front in the west. Being forced to watch the continued reinforcement of Soviet troops from the east without any Japanese intervention was a thorn in Hitler's flesh, especially considering Japan's apparent ignorance with respect to the recent Casablanca Conference at which the Allies declared only to accept the unconditional surrenders of the Axis nations. During a private briefing on 5 March 1943, Hitler remarked:

Hiroshi Ōshima, ambassador to Germany until May 1945

On rare occasions, German surface ships were able to reach Japan as well. These included auxiliary cruisers Michel and Thor, which were brought to Yokohama after the Kriegsmarine chiefs realized in the late 1942 that it would not practical for them to return to Germany-controlled European ports.[73] German supply ships (Uckermark) and foreign ships captured by German merchant raiders would come to Japanese ports as well.

With submarines remaining practically the only link between Nazi-controlled Europe and Japan, trade was soon focused on strategic goods such as technical plans and weapon templates. Only 20–40% of goods managed to reach either destination and merely 96 persons travelled by submarine from Europe to Japan and 89 vice versa during the war as only six submarines succeeded in their attempts of the trans-oceanic voyage: I-30 (April 1942), I-8 (June 1943), I-34 (October 1943), I-29 (December 1943), I-52 (March 1944), and the German submarine U-511 (August 1943). Before I-29 embarked on her voyage to German-occupied France in December 1943, she had rendezvoused with the German U-180 during an earlier mission to the Indian Ocean. During this meeting on 28 April 1943, Indian freedom fighter Subhas Chandra Bose transferred to I-29, thereby becoming the only civilian exchange between two submarines of two different navies in World War II.[69][70] U-234 on the other hand is one of the most popular examples of an aborted Yanagi mission in May 1945.[68] Amongst others, her cargo included examples of the newest electric torpedoes, one crated Me 262 jet aircraft, a Henschel Hs 293 glide bomb, and 560 kg of uranium oxide. Whether the uranium was weapons-grade material has not yet been clarified, however.[71][72]

Japan was being outproduced in carriers and was unable to launch any offensives after its defeat at Midway in June 1942. It was overextended and could not even feed its garrisons on islands across the Pacific. Tokyo's plan of conquering the Solomons at Australia's doorstep turned into a continuous retreat for the Japanese of which the defeat on Guadalcanal in early 1943 marked the beginning. Japan's invasion of India had been halted in Burma, rendering impossible any joint operations against India.

Despite this treaty, the envisioned German-Japanese economic relations were never able to grow beyond mostly propagandistic status. The British kept control of the Suez Canal and submarines with very small cargo capability remained the main method of contact. With the loss of North Africa and the heavy defeat at Stalingrad, Germany was in a defensive posture by early 1943, and never regained the initiative.

The I-8 arriving in Brest, France, in 1943, on a "Yanagi" mission to exchange material and personnel with Nazi Germany

Until Germany attacked the Soviet Union, the two countries were able to exchange these materials using the Trans-Siberian Railway, but after the attack submarines had to be sent on so-called "Yanagi" (Willow) – missions,[68] since the American and British navies rendered the high seas too dangerous for Axis cargo ships. However, given the limited capacities of submarines, eyes were soon focused directly on the Mediterranean, the Middle East and British India, all vital to the British war effort. Most importantly, though, these regions offered a direct land- and/or sea-linkage between the Third Reich and Japan, which would improve trade possibilities and enable potential joint military operations.[31] By August 1942 the German advances in North Africa rendered an offensive against Alexandria and the Suez Canal feasible, which, in turn, had the potential of enabling maritime trade between Europe and Japan through the Indian Ocean. On the other hand, in the face of its defeat at the Battle of Midway in June 1942 with the loss of four aircraft carriers, the Japanese Navy decided to pursue all possibilities of gaining additional resources to quickly rebuild its forces. As a consequence, Ambassador Ōshima in Berlin was ordered to submit an extensive "wish list" requesting the purchase of vast amounts of steel and aluminium to be shipped from Germany to Japan. German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop quickly dismissed Tokyo's proposal, since those resources were vital for Germany's own industry. However, in order to gain Japanese backing for a new German-Japanese trade treaty, which should also secure the rights of German companies in South-East Asia, he asked Hitler to at least partially agree upon the Japanese demands. It took another five months of arguing over the Reichsmark-Yen-exchange rate and additional talks with the third signatory, the Italian government, until the "Treaty on Economic Cooperation" was signed on 20 January 1943.

German and Japanese direct spheres of influence at their greatest extents in fall 1942. Arrows show planned movements to an agreed demarcation line at 70° E, which was, however, never even approximated.

Although the amendment to the Tripartite Pact was not yet in force, Hitler chose to declare war on the United States and ordered the Reichstag, along with Italy, to do so on 11 December 1941, three days after the United States' declaration of war on the Empire of Japan. His hopes that, despite the previous rejections, Japan would reciprocally attack the Soviet Union, were not realized, as Japan stuck to its Nanshin strategy of going south, not north, and would continue to maintain an uneasy peace with the Soviet Union.[66] Nevertheless, Germany's declaration of war further solidified German–Japanese relations and showed Germany's solidarity with Japan, which was now encouraged to cooperate against the British. To some degree, Japan's actions in South-East Asia and the Pacific in the months after Pearl Harbor, including the sinking of the HMS Prince of Wales and the HMS Repulse, the occupation of the Crown Colonies of Singapore, Hong Kong, and British Burma, and the air raids on Australia, were a tremendous blow to the United Kingdom's war effort and preoccupied the Allies, shifting British (including Australian) and American assets away from the Battle of the Atlantic and the North African Campaign against Germany to Asia and the Pacific against Japan. In this context, sizeable forces of the British Empire were withdrawn from North Africa to the Pacific theatre with their replacements being only relatively inexperienced and thinly spread divisions. Taking advantage of this situation, Erwin Rommel's Afrika Korps successfully attacked only six weeks after Pearl Harbor, eventually pushing the allied lines as far east as El Alamein.[67] In the long run, Germany and Japan envisioned a partnered linkage running across the British-held Indian subcontinent that would allow for the transfer of weaponry, resources as well as other possibilities. After all, the choice of potential trading partners was very limited during the war and Germany was anxious for rubber and precious metals, while the Japanese sought industrial products, technical equipment, and chemical goods.

Hitler declares war on the United States on 11 December 1941 in the wake of Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor.

Nevertheless, publicly the German leadership applauded their new ally[64] and ambassador Ōshima became one of only eight recipients of the Grand Cross of the Order of the German Eagle in Gold, which was awarded by Hitler himself, who reportedly said:

Preceding Japan's attack were numerous communiqués between Berlin and Tokyo. The respective ambassadors Ott and Ōshima tried to draft an amendment to the Tripartite Pact, in which Germany, Japan and Italy should pledge each other's allegiance in the case one signatory is attacked by – or attacks – the United States. Although the protocol was finished in time, it would not be formally signed by Germany until four days after the raid on Pearl Harbor. Also among the communiqués was another definitive Japanese rejection of any war plans against Russia: [63]. Upon learning of Japan's successful attack, Hitler even became euphoric, stating: "With such a capable ally we cannot lose this war."military defeat at the gates of Moscow, just as the German army suffered its first declaration of war on the United States and Britain on 7 December 1941 and its subsequent air raid on the American naval base at Pearl Harbor tactics, Hitler's confidence in a successful and swift conclusion of the war diminished, especially with a US-supported Britain being a constant threat in the Reich's western front. Furthermore, it was evident that the "neutrality" which the US had superficially maintained to that point would soon change to an open and unlimited support of Britain against Germany. Hitler thus welcomed Japan's sudden entry into the war with its Blitzkrieg However, with the Soviet troops around Moscow now being reinforced by East Siberian divisions, Germany's offensive substantially slowed with the onset of the Russian winter in November and December 1941. In the face of his failing [62].Romania and HungaryOn 25 November 1941, Germany tried to further solidify the alliance against Soviet Russia by officially reviving the Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936, now joined by additional signatories,

In September 1941 Japan began its southward expansion by expanding its military presence in Indochina ("securing 'points d'appui'"[38]) and decisively increased the number of stationed personnel and planes. This provoked the United States, the United Kingdom, and other Western governments to freeze Japanese assets, while the US (which supplied 80 percent of Japan's oil[59]) responded by placing a complete oil embargo on the Japanese Empire.[60] As a result, Japan was essentially forced to choose between abandoning its ambitions in South-East Asia and its prosecution of the war against China, or seizing the natural resources it needed by force. The Japanese military did not consider the former an option as attacking Soviet Russia instead of expanding into South Asia had become a more and more unpopular choice since Japan's humiliating defeat at the Battle of Khalkin Gol in 1939 and the final rejection of any near-term action in Siberia shortly after Germany began its invasion of the USSR. Moreover, many officers considered America's oil embargo an unspoken declaration of war.[61] With the harsh oil sanctions imposed by the United States, the Japanese leadership was now even more determined to remain in China. Germany had refused to sell Japan the blueprints to make synthetic oil, so Japan's only hope for oil was to invade the Dutch East Indies, which would result in war with the United States and Britain. To succeed the Japanese had to deal with the powerful United States Pacific Fleet, so it gambled that it could neutralize the fleet at Pearl Harbor, and then negotiate peace terms from a strong hand. Japan did not inform Germany of its plans.

Japan enters World War II


Subsequently, Konoe removed Matsuoka from his cabinet and stepped up Japan's negotiations with the US again, which still failed over the China and Indochina issues, however, and the American demand to Japan to withdraw from the Tripartite Pact in anticipation of any settlement. Without any perspective with respect to Washington, Matsuoka felt that his government had to reassure Germany of its loyalty to the pact. In Berlin, Ōshima was ordered to convey to the German foreign minister Ribbentrop that the "Japanese government have decided to secure 'points d'appui' in French Indochina to enable further to strengthen her pressure on Great Britain and the United States of America," and to present this as a "valuable contribution to the common front" by promising that "We Japanese are not going to sit on the fence while you Germans fight the Russians."[38]

Joseph Stalin had little faith in Japan's commitment to neutrality even before the German attack, but he felt that the pact was important for its political symbolism, to reinforce a public affection for Germany.[55] From Japan's point of view the attack on Russia very nearly ruptured the Tripartite Pact on which the Empire was depending for Germany's aid in maintaining good relations with Moscow so as to preclude any threat from Siberia. Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe felt betrayed because the Germans clearly trusted their Axis allies too little to warn them of Barbarossa, even though he had feared the worst since receiving an April report from Ōshima in Berlin that "Germany is confident she can defeat Russia and she is preparing to fight at any moment." Foreign minister Matsuoka on the other hand vividly tried to convince the Emperor, the cabinet as well as the army staff of an immediate attack on the Soviet Union. However, his colleagues rejected any such proposal, even regarding him as "Hitler's office boy" by now and pointed out to the fact that the Japanese army, with its light and medium tanks, had no intention of taking on Soviet tanks and aircraft until they could be certain that the Wehrmacht had smashed the Red Army to the brink of defeat.

Matsuoka, Ōshima and parts of the Japanese Imperial Army were proponents of "Hokushin", Japan's go-north strategy aiming for a coordinated attack with Germany against the USSR and seizing East Siberia. But the Japanese army-dominated military leadership, namely persons like minister of war Hideki Tōjō, were constantly pressured by the Japanese Imperial Navy and, thus, a strong tendency towards "Nanshin" existed already in 1940, meaning to go south and exploit the weakened European powers by occupying their resource-rich colonies in South-East Asia. In order to secure Japan's back while expanding southwards and as a Soviet effort to demonstrate peaceful intentions toward Germany,[54] the Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact was signed in Moscow on 13 April 1941 by Matsuoka on his return trip from a visit to Berlin. Hitler, who was not informed in advance by the Japanese and considering the pact a ruse to stall, misinterpreted the diplomatic situation and thought that his attack on the USSR would bring a tremendous relief for Japan in East Asia and thereby a much stronger threat to American activities through Japanese interventions.[38] As a consequence, Nazi Germany pressed forward with Operation Barbarossa, its attack on the Soviet Union, which started two months later on 22 June without any specific warning to its Axis partners.

In talks involving Hitler, his foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, his Japanese counterpart at that time, Yōsuke Matsuoka, as well as Berlin's and Tokyo's respective ambassadors, Eugen Ott and Hiroshi Ōshima, the German side then broadly hinted at, but never openly asked for, either invading the Soviet Union from the east or attacking Britain's colonies in South-East Asia, thereby preoccupying and diverting the British Empire away from Europe and thus somewhat covering Germany's back.[30] Although Germany would have clearly favored Japan's attacking the USSR, exchanges between the two allies were always kept overly formal and indirect, as shown in the following statement by Hitler to ambassador Ōshima (2 June 1941):

On 18 March 1941, at a conference attended by Hitler, Alfred Jodl, Wilhelm Keitel and Erich Raeder, Admiral Raeder stated:

Matsuoka with Heinrich Georg Stahmer (right) at a reception in the Japanese embassy in Berlin on 29 March 1941
  • 1. It must be the aim of the collaboration based on the Three Power Pact to induce Japan, as soon as possible, to take active measures in the Far East. Strong British forces will thereby be tied down, and the center of gravity of the interests of the United States of America will be diverted to the Pacific. The sooner she intervenes, the greater will be the prospects of success for Japan in view of the still undeveloped preparedness for war on the part of her adversaries. The Barbarossa operation will create particularly favorable political and military prerequisites for this.
  • 2. To prepare the way for the collaboration it is essential to strengthen the Japanese military potential with all means available. For this purpose the High Commands of the branches of the Armed Forces will comply in a comprehensive and generous manner with Japanese desires for information regarding German war and combat experience, and for assistance in military economics and in technical matters. Reciprocity is desirable, but this factor should not stand in the way of negotiations. Priority should naturally be given to those Japanese requests which would have the most immediate application in waging war. In special cases the Führer reserves the decisions for himself.
  • 3. The harmonizing of the operational plans of the two parties is the responsibility of the Naval High Command. This will be subject to the following guiding principles:
    • a. The common aim of the conduct of war is to be stressed as forcing England to the ground quickly and thereby keeping the United States out of the war. Beyond this Germany has no political, military, or economic interests in the Far East which would give occasion for any reservations with regard to Japanese intentions.
    • b. The great successes achieved by Germany in mercantile warfare make it appear particularly suitable to employ strong Japanese forces for the same purpose. In this connection every opportunity to support German mercantile warfare must be exploited.
    • c. The raw material situation of the pact powers demands that Japan should acquire possession of those territories which it needs for the continuation of the war, especially if the United States intervenes. Rubber shipments must be carried out even after the entry of Japan into the war, since they are of vital importance to Germany.
    • d. The seizure of Singapore as the key British position in the Far East would mean a decisive success for the entire conduct of war of the three powers. In addition, attacks on other systems of bases of British naval power – extending to those of American naval power only if the entry of the United States into the war cannot be prevented – will result in weakening the enemy's system of power in that region and also, just like the attack on sea communications, in tying down substantial forces of all kinds (e.g. Australia). A date for the beginning of operational discussions cannot yet be fixed.
  • 4. In the military commissions to be formed in accordance with the Tripartite Pact, only such questions are to be dealt with as equally concern the three participating powers. These will include primarily the problems of economic warfare. The working out of the details is the responsibility of the main commission .with the co-operation of the Armed Forces High Command.
  • 5. The Japanese must not be given any intimation of the Barbarossa operations.[52]

Hitler on the other hand was concluding the preparations for "Operation Barbarossa", the invasion of the Soviet Union. In order to directly or indirectly support his imminent eastward strike, the Führer had repeatedly suggested to Japan that it reconsider plans for an attack on the Soviet Far East throughout 1940 and 1941. In February 1941, as a result of Hitler's insistence, General Oshima returned to Berlin as Ambassador. On 5 March 1941, Wilhelm Keitel, chief of OKW issued "Basic Order Number 24 regarding Collaboration with Japan":

Japanese foreign minister Yōsuke Matsuoka visits Adolf Hitler in Berlin in late March 1941.

Stalling coordination of joint war plans

After reading the captured documents, on 7 January 1941 Japanese Admiral Yamamoto wrote to the Naval Minister asking whether, if Japan knocked out America, the remaining British and Dutch forces would be suitably weakened for the Japanese to deliver a deathblow. Thereby, Nanshin-ron, the concept of the Japanese Navy conducting a southern campaign quickly matured and gained further proponents.[50][51]

On 11 November 1940, German–Japanese relations, as well as Japan's plans to expand southwards into South-East Asia, were decisively bolstered when the crew of the German auxiliary cruiser Atlantis boarded the British cargo ship SS Automedon. Fifteen bags of Top Secret mail for the British Far East Command were found, including naval intelligence reports containing the latest assessment of the Japanese Empire's military strength in the Far East, along with details of Royal Air Force units, naval strength, and notes on Singapore's defences. It painted a gloomy picture of British land and naval capabilities in the Far East, and declared that Britain was too weak to risk war with Japan. The mail reached the German embassy in Tokyo on 5 December, and was then hand-carried to Berlin via the Trans-Siberian railway. On the initiative of the German naval attaché Paul Wenneker, a copy was given to the Japanese; it provided valuable intelligence prior to their commencing hostilities against the Western Powers. The captain of the Atlantis, Bernhard Rogge, was rewarded for this with an ornate katana Samurai sword; the only other Germans so honored were Hermann Göring and Field Marshal Erwin Rommel.[49]

According to Yamashita, Hitler promised to remember Japan in his will, by instructing the Germans "to bind themselves eternally to the Japanese spirit." In fact, General Yamashita was so excited that he said: "In a short time, something great will happen. You just watch and wait." Returning home, the Japanese delegation was accompanied by more than 250 German technicians, engineers and instructors. Soon, Japan's Air Force was among the most powerful in the world.[48]

After the signing of the Tripartite Pact, mutual visits of political and military nature increased. After German ace and parachute expert Maginot Line and German fortifications on the French coast, watched German flyers in training, and even flew in a raid over Britain after decorating Hermann Göring, head of the German Luftwaffe, with the Japanese "Grand Cordon of the Rising Sun". General Yamashita also met and talked with Hitler, on whom he commented,

Until 1945, both countries would continue to conceal any war crimes committed by the other side. The Holocaust was systematically concealed by the leadership in Tokyo, just as Japanese war crimes, e.g. the situation in China, were kept secret from the German public.[46] Another example is the atrocities committed by the Japanese Army in Nanking in 1937, which were denounced by German industrialist John Rabe. Subsequently, the German leadership ordered Rabe back to Berlin, confiscating all his reports and prohibiting any further discussion of the topic.[47]

Another decisive limitation in the German-Japanese alliance were the fundamental differences between the two nation's policies towards Jews. With Nazi Germany's well-known attitude being extreme Antisemitism, Japan refrained from adapting any similar posture. On 31 December 1940, Japanese foreign minister Yōsuke Matsuoka, a strong proponent of the Tripartite Pact, told a group of Jewish businessmen:

The Japanese embassy in Berlin, clad in the banners of the three signatories of the Tripartite Pact in September 1940

The purpose of the Pact, directed against an unnamed power presumed to be the United States, was to deter that power from supporting Britain, thereby not only strengthening Germany's and Italy's cause in the North African Campaign and the Mediterranean theatre, but also weakening British colonies in South-East Asia in advance of a Japanese invasion. The treaty stated that the three countries would respect each other's "leadership" in their respective spheres of influence, and would assist each other if attacked by an outside party. However, already-ongoing conflicts, as of the signing of the Pact, were explicitly excluded. With this defensive terminology, aggression on the part of a member state toward a non-member state would result in no obligations under the Pact. Relations between Germany and Japan were driven by mutual self-interest, underpinned by the shared militarist, expansionist and nationalistic ideologies of their respective governments.[44]

With Nazi Germany not only having conquered most of continental Europe including France, but also maintaining the impression of a Britain facing imminent defeat,[42] Tokyo interpreted the situation in Europe as proof of a fundamental and fatal weakness in western democracies. Japan's leadership concluded that the current state of affairs had to be exploited[38] and subsequently started to seek even closer cooperation with Berlin. Hitler, for his part, not only feared a lasting stalemate with Britain, but also had started planning an invasion of the Soviet Union. These circumstances, together with a shortage in raw materials and food,[43] increased Berlin's interest in a stronger alliance with Japan. German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop was sent to negotiate a new treaty with Japan, whose relationships with Germany and Italy, the three soon to be called "Axis powers", were cemented with the Tripartite Pact of 27 September 1940.

Formation of the Axis

Over the following year, Japan also proceeded with its expansion plans. The Invasion of French Indochina on 2 September 1940 (which by then was controlled by the collaborating government of Vichy France), and Japan's ongoing bloody conflict with China, put a severe strain on American-Japanese relations. On 26 July 1940, the United States passed the Export Control Act, cutting oil, iron and steel exports to Japan.[40] This containment policy was Washington's warning to Japan that any further military expansion would result in further sanctions. However, such US moves were interpreted by Japan's militaristic leaders as signals that they needed to take radical measures to improve the Empire's situation, thereby driving Japan closer to Germany.[41]

In contrast to his actual plans, Hitler's concept of stalling – in combination with his frustration with a Japan embroiled in seemingly endless negotiations with the United States, and tending against a war with the USSR[38] – led to a temporary cooperation with the Soviets in the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, which was signed in August 1939. Neither Japan nor Italy had been informed beforehand of Germany's pact with the Soviets, demonstrating the constant subliminal mistrust between Nazi Germany and its partners. After all, the pact not only stipulated the division of Poland between both signatories in a secret protocol, but also rendered the Anti-Comintern Pact more or less irrelevant. In order to remove the strain that Hitler's move had put on German–Japanese relations, the "Agreement for Cultural Cooperation between Japan and Germany" was signed in November 1939, only a few weeks after Germany and the Soviet Union had concluded their invasion of Poland and Great Britain and France declared war on Nazi Germany.[39]

"Good friends in three countries": Japanese propaganda poster from 1938 promoting the cooperation between Japan, Germany and Italy

Despite tentative plans for a joint German-Japanese approach against the USSR which were slowly maturing and regardless of the 1936 Anti Comintern Pact, the years 1938 and 1939 were already decisive for Japan's decision to finally expand south, instead of north. The Empire decisively lost two border fights against the Soviets, the Battles of Lake Khasan and Khalkin Gol, thereby convincing itself that the Imperial Japanese Army, lacking heavy tanks and the like, would be in no position to challenge the Red Army at that time. Nevertheless, Hitler's anti-Soviet sentiment soon led to further rapprochements with Japan, since he still believed that Japan would join Germany in a future war against the Soviet Union, either actively by invading southeast Siberia, or passively by binding large parts of the Red Army, which was fearing an attack of Japan's Kwantung Army in Manchukuo, numbering ca. 700,000 men as of the late 1930s.[30]

In 1938, representative measures for embracing the German-Japanese partnership were sought and the construction of a new Japanese embassy building in Berlin was started. After the preceding embassy had to give way to Hitler's and Albert Speer's plans of re-modeling Berlin to the world capital city of Germania, a new and more pompous building was erected in a newly established diplomatic district next to the Tiergarten. It was conceived by Ludwig Moshamer under the supervision of Speer and was placed opposite the Italian embassy, thereby bestowing an architectural emphasis on the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo axis.[36][37]

During the late 1930s, though motivated by political and propaganda reasons, several cultural exchanges between Japan and Germany took place. A focus was put on youth exchanges, and numerous mutual visits were conducted; for instance, in late 1938, the ship Gneisenau carried a delegation of 30 members of the Hitlerjugend to Tokyo for a study visit.[35]

A delegation of the Hitlerjugend visits the Meiji Shrine in Tokyo during a several-month-long friendship tour in 1938.
, he wrote: The Political Testament of Adolf Hitler Despite this move, however, Hitler retained his general perception of neither the Japanese nor the Chinese civilizations being inferior to the German one. In [34] Hitler ordered the end of arm shipments to China, as well as the recall of all German officers attached to the Chinese Army.[34], and renounced the German claims to the former colonies in the Pacific held by Japan.Manchuria, the Japanese-occupied puppet state in Manchukuo, Hitler announced German recognition of Reichstag and chose to end his alliance with the Chinese as the price of gaining an alignment with the more modern and powerful Japan. In a May 1938 address to the [33] with the Soviet Union. Eventually Hitler concluded that Japan, not China, would be a more reliable geostrategic partner, notwithstanding the superior Sino-German economic relationshipSino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact on 7 July 1937, and when China shortly thereafter concluded the Second Sino-Japanese War. Relations soured after the outbreak of the Republic of China, even providing military aid and assistance to the close relationship with the Chinese nationalist governmentOriginally, Germany had a very

The first legal consolidation of German-Japanese mutual interests occurred in 1936, when the two countries then signed the Anti-Comintern Pact, which was directed against the Communist International (Comintern) in general and the Soviet Union in particular. After the signing, Nazi Germany's government also included the Japanese people in their concept of "honorary Aryans".[31] Yasuhito, Prince Chichibu then attended the 1937 Nuremberg Rally in Germany and met Adolf Hitler, with whom he tried to boost personal relations.[32] Fascist Italy, led by Benito Mussolini joined the pact the same year, initiating the formation of the so-called Axis between Rome, Berlin and Tokyo.

Tokyo's military leaders proceeded to devise plans assuring the Empire's supply with resources by eventually creating a "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere". In general, further expansion was envisioned – either northwards, attacking the Soviet Union, a plan which was called "Hokushin-ron", or by seizing French, Dutch and/or British colonies to the south, a concept dubbed "Nanshin".[30] Hitler, on the other hand, never desisted from his plan to conquer new territories in Eastern Europe for Lebensraum; thus, conflicts with Poland and later with the Soviet Union seemed inevitable.

Japanese ambassador Kintomo Mushakoji and foreign minister of Nazi Germany Joachim von Ribbentrop sign the Anti-Comintern Pact in 1936.

Consolidation of cooperation

At the time, many Japanese politicians, including Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto (who was an outspoken critic of an alliance with Nazi Germany), were shocked[29] by the Anglo-German Naval Agreement. Nevertheless, the leaders of the military clique then in control in Tokyo concluded that it was a ruse designed to buy the Nazis time to match the British navy.

A temporary strain was put on German-Japanese rapprochement in June 1935, when the Anglo-German Naval Agreement was signed between the United Kingdom and Nazi Germany, one of many attempts by Adolf Hitler to improve relations between the two countries. After all, Hitler had already laid down his plans in Mein Kampf, in which he identified England as a promising partner, but also defined Japan as a target of "international Jewry", and thus a possible ally:

After Germany had to cede most of former German New Guinea and Kiautschou/Tsingtao to Japan and with an intensifying Sino-German cooperation, relations between Berlin and Tokyo were nearly dead. Under the initiative of Wilhelm Solf, who served as German ambassador to Japan from 1920 to 1928, cultural exchange was strengthened again, culminating in the re-establishment of the "German-Japanese Society" (1926), the founding of the "Japanese-German Cultural Society" (1927), and of the "Japanese-German Research Institute" (1934).[28]

As German ambassador in Tokyo from 1920 to 1928, Wilhelm Solf initiated the re-establishment of good German–Japanese relations.

Rapprochement, Axis and World War II (1920–1945)

Japan was a signatory of the Treaty of Versailles, which stipulated harsh repercussions for Germany. In the Pacific, Japan gained Germany's islands north of the equator (the Marshall Islands, the Carolines, the Marianas, the Palau Islands) and Kiautschou/Tsingtao in China.[26] Article 156 of the Treaty also transferred German concessions in Shandong to Japan rather than returning sovereign authority to China, an issue soon to be known as Shandong Problem. Chinese outrage over this provision led to demonstrations, and a cultural movement known as the May Fourth Movement influenced China not to sign the treaty. China declared the end of its war against Germany in September 1919 and signed a separate treaty with Germany in 1921. This fact greatly contributed to Germany relying on China, and not Japan, as its strategic partner in East Asia for the coming years.[27]

The only major battle that took place between Japan and Germany was the siege of the German-controlled Chinese port of Tsingtao in Kiautschou Bay. The German forces held out from August until November 1914, under a total Japanese/British blockade, sustained artillery barrages and manpower odds of 6:1 – a fact that gave a morale boost during the siege as well as later in defeat. After Japanese troops stormed the city, the German dead were buried at Tsingtao and the remaining troops were transported to Japan where they were treated with respect at places like the Bandō Prisoner of War camp.[25] In 1919, when the German Empire formally signed the Treaty of Versailles, all prisoners of war were set free and returned to Europe.

The onset of the First World War in Europe eventually showed how far German–Japanese relations had truly deteriorated. On 7 August 1914, only two days after Britain declared war on the German Empire, the Japanese government received an official request from the British government for assistance in destroying the German raiders of the Kaiserliche Marine in and around Chinese waters. Japan, eager to reduce the presence of European colonial powers in South-East Asia, especially on China's coast, sent Germany an ultimatum on 14 August 1914, which was left unanswered. Japan then formally declared war on the German Empire on 23 August 1914 thereby entering the First World War as an ally of Britain, France and the Russian Empire to seize the German-held Caroline, Marshall, and Mariana Islands in the Pacific.

A Japanese lithograph depicting Japan's troops attacking the German colony of Tsingtao in 1914


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