Nahdlatul Ulama

Nahdlatul Ulama
Formation 31 January 1926
Type Socio-religious organization
Headquarters Jakarta, Indonesia
Region served
40 million (2013)[1][2]
KH.Said Aqil Siradj
Website Official website
Jombang Mosque, birthplace of the Nahdlatul Ulama

Nahdlatul Ulama (also Nahdatul Ulama or NU) is a traditionalist Sunni Islam movement in Indonesia.

NU was established at 31 January 1926 in

  • NU Online
  • Rabithah Ma'ahid Islamiyah Nahdltul Ulama, Asosiasi Pesantren Indonesia
  • Pondok Pesantren Sidogiri Pasuruan
  • Pondok Pesantren Krapyak Yogyakarta
  • Pondok Pesantren Al-Badar Parepare Sulsel
  • Pondok Pesantren Langitan Jawa Timur

External links

  • Bush, Robin (2009) Nahdlatul Ulama and the struggle for power within Islam and politics in Indonesia Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, ISBN 981-230-876-8
  • Feith, Herbert (2007) The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia Equinox Publishing (Asia) Pte Ltd, ISBN 978-9-79378-045-0
  • Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.  
  • Nasution, Adnan Buyung (1995) Aspirasi Pemerintahan Konstitutional di Indonesia: Studi Sosio-Legal atas Konstituante 1956-1959" ("Translation of The Aspiration for Constitutional Government in Indonesia: A Socio-Legal Study of the Indonesian Konstituante 1956-1959')' Pustaka Utama Grafiti, Jakarta ISBN 978-9-79416-218-7
  • Ricklefs, M.C. (1991) A History of Modern Indonesia Since c.1200. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-4480-7
  • Schwartz, Adam (1994) A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia in the 1990s, Allen & Unwin. ISBN 1-86373-635-2
  • Official site in English
  • Nahdatul Ulama in UCSM Encyclopaedia

Further reading

  1. ^ a b Ranjan Ghosh (4 January 2013). Making Sense of the Secular: Critical Perspectives from Europe to Asia. Routledge. pp. 202–.  
  2. ^ a b
  3. ^ Jesudas M. Athyal (10 March 2015). Religion in Southeast Asia: An Encyclopedia of Faiths and Cultures: An Encyclopedia of Faiths and Cultures. ABC-CLIO. pp. 201–.  
  4. ^ Robin Bush (2009). Nahdlatul Ulama and the Struggle for Power Within Islam and Politics in Indonesia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 59–.  
  5. ^ Mark R. Woodward; Arizona State University. Program for Southeast Asian Studies (1996). Toward a New Paradigm: Recent Developments in Indonesian Islamic Thought. Arizona State University, Program for Southeast Asian Studies.  
  6. ^
  7. ^,public-m,static-s,detail-lang,en-ids,1-id,7-t,religious+ideology-.phpx
  8. ^ Ricklefs (1981) p 169
  9. ^ Schwartz (1994) p168
  10. ^ a b c d Feith (2007) pp233-236
  11. ^ Ricklefs (1981) pp 191, 194
  12. ^ Feith (2007) pp418-419
  13. ^ Feith (2007) pp434-436
  14. ^ Friend (2003) p 51
  15. ^ Ricklefs (1981) pp 238-239
  16. ^ Feith (2007) pp281-282, 544
  17. ^ Nasution (1995) pp32-33,49
  18. ^ "Cikeusik to Sampang: The threat of conflict". January 10, 2012. 
  19. ^ Schwartz (1994) pp 32, 36-37
  20. ^ Ricklefs (1981) pp 276
  21. ^ Friend (2003) p 201
  22. ^ Schwartz (1994) p172
  23. ^ Friend (2003) p203
  24. ^ Schwartz (1994) pp 188-193
  25. ^
  26. ^,8599,2053925,00.html
  27. ^ Schwartz (1994) pp 387-297
  28. ^ Schwartz (1994) pp424, 461-xxx
  29. ^ Schwartz (1994) p 501
  30. ^ "Gus Dur to meet Yudhoyono over split within PKB".  
  31. ^ "PKB Still Hopes for Nahdlatul Ulama Help to Heal Split" (in accessdate = 2010-08-15).  
  32. ^ "NU leaders cannot hold political posts". Nahdlatul Ulama. 2008-03-27. Retrieved 2010-08-15. 
  33. ^ 'Nation's largest Muslim group laments 'waning influence' ', The Jakarta Post, 20 June 2011 [2]
  34. ^ a b NU Website
  35. ^ "Kang Said, Mbah Sahal elected to lead NU". 2008-03-28. Retrieved 2008-06-30. 
  36. ^ Bush (2009) p 15
  37. ^ Azyumardi Azra; Kees van Dijk; Nico J G Kaptein (2010). Varieties of Religious Authority: Changes and Challenges in 20th Century Indonesian Islam. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 8–.  


See also

  1. Jam'iyyah Ahli Thariqah Al-Mu'tabarah An-Nahdliyah (JATMAN)
  2. Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama (Muslimat NU)
  3. Gerakan Pemuda Ansor Nahdlatul Ulama (GP Ansor NU)
  4. Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama (Fatayat NU)
  5. Keluarga Mahasiswa Nahdlatul Ulama (KMNU)
  6. Ikatan Pelajar Nahdlatul Ulama (IPNU)
  7. Ikatan Pelajar Putri Nahdlatul Ulama (IPPNU)
  8. Ikatan Sarjana Nahdlatul Ulama (ISNU)
  9. Ikatan Pencak Silat Nahdlatul Ulama Pagar Nusa (IPSNU Pagar Nusa)
  10. Jami'iyyatul Qurro wal Huffadz Nahdlatul Ulama (JQH NU)
  11. Persatuan Guru Nahdlatul Ulama (PERGUNU)

Badan Otonom

  1. Lajnah Bahtsul Masail Nahdlatul Ulama (LBM-NU)
  2. Lajnah Falakiyah Nahdlatul Ulama (LF-NU)
  3. Lajnah Ta'lif wan Nasyr Nahdlatul Ulama (LTN-NU)
  4. Lajnah Auqaf Nahdlatul Ulama (LA-NU)
  5. Lajnah Zakat, Infaq, dan Shadaqah Nahdlatul Ulama (LAZIS-NU)


  1. Lembaga Dakwah Nahdlatul Ulama (LD-NU)
  2. Lembaga Pendidikan Ma'arif Nahdlatul Ulama (LP Ma'arif NU)
  3. Lembaga Pelayanan Kesehatan Nahdlatul Ulama (LPK-NU)
  4. Lembaga Perekonomian Nahdlatul Ulama (LP-NU)
  5. Lembaga Pengembangan Pertanian Nahdlatul Ulama (LPP-NU)
  6. Rabithah Ma'ahid Islamiyah Nahdlatul Ulama (RMI-NU)* (Indonesia) Lembaga Asosiasi Pesantren Nahdlatul Ulama
  7. Lembaga Kemaslahatan Keluarga Nahdlatul Ulama (LKK-NU)
  8. Lembaga Takmir Masjid Nahdlatul Ulama (LTM-NU)
  9. Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia Nahdlatul Ulama (LAKPESDAM-NU)
  10. Lembaga Penyuluhan dan Bantuan Hukum Nahdlatul Ulama (LPBH-NU)
  11. Lembaga Kesehatan Nahdlatul Ulama (LK-NU)
  12. Lembaga Badan Halal Nahdlatul Ulama (LBHNU)
  13. Sarikat Buruh Muslimin Indonesia (SARBUMUSI)



The highest body in the NU is Syuriah (Supreme Council). Under this is Tanfidziyah (Executive Council). Mustasyar (Advisory Council) provides input to both. At the 2010 NU Conference, Sahal Mahfudz was elected chairman of the Executive Council, and thus serves as executive chief. At the same conference, Sahal Mahfudz was elected chair of the Supreme Council for the 2010-2015 period. Under the Executive Council, there are provincial level Regional Boards, as well as autonomous bodies, institutes and committees, with the structure extending down to Sub Branch Representative Council Boards in villages.[34][35][36]

Leaders of organization

The NU exists to spread Islamic teaching. As well as preaching, it undertakes educational activities through its network of 6,830 Islamic boarding schools, or pesantren. It also owns 44 universities, and is involved in economic and agricultural studies, and social activities including family planning.[34]


In Indonesia's first free elections since 1955, held on 7 June 1999, the PKB won 13 percent of the vote. In the ensuing session of the People's Consultative Assembly, Gus Dur was elected President of Indonesia, defeating Megawati by 373 votes to 313.[28] However, he was deposed just two years later. The PKB subsequently split into two warring factions, one led by Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny Wahid. An attempt in 2008 by Gus Dur to involve President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in resolving the dispute failed, and the PKB vote in the 2009 elections was half that of the previous vote in 2004. At its 2010 conference, held in Makassar, the NU decided not to discuss the split, and passed a resolution banning officials from holding political posts, seen as a commitment to avoiding future political involvement.[29][30][31][32] After the conference, concerns about the longer term role of the NU continued to attract comment in the national media. During 2011, for example, there was continuing discussion about the national role that the NU should play and about the close political links between the NU and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Comments by Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny Wahid, for example, reflected these concerns when she said that the NU was fragmenting and "sliding into irrelevance".[33]

During the fall of Suharto, Nahdlatul Ulama members and Islamic clerics were killed by rioters in Banyuwangi in East Java when a witchhunt against alleged sorcerers spiralled out of control.[25][26] Following the fall of Suharto and his replacement by Vice-president B. J. Habibie, in July 1998 Gus Dur announced the establishment of the National Awakening Party (Indonesian: Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB). On 10 November, Gus Dur met with other pro-reform figures Amien Rais, Megawati Sukarnoputri and Sultan Hamengkubuwono. The so-called Ciganjur Four, named after the location of Gus Dur's house, issued a declaration calling the Habibie administration "transitional" and calling for elections to be brought forward and for the Indonesian Military to end its political role [27]

Post-New Order era

In 1990, the NU worked with Bank Summa to establish a system of rural banks. Suharto did not approve of the NU straying beyond purely religious activities, and the fact the bank was owned by a Christian ethnic-Chinese family led to controversy. The bank was eventually shut down two years later because of financial mismanagement. Gus Dur also incurred the disapproval of the regime by holding a mass rally at a Jakarta stadium three months before the 1992 legislative elections, ostensibly to express support for Pancasila. This resulted in Gus Dur being invited to meet Lt. Col. Prabowo Subianto, Suharto's son-in-law at Jakarta Military Headquarters. At the meeting, Gus Dur was warned to avoid unacceptable political conduct, and told that if he insisted in involving himself in politics, rather than confining himself to religious matters, he should express support for a further presidential term for Suharto. In response, Gus Dur threatened to leave the NU. This resulted in the regime backing down, as it could not risk bringing Gus Dur down.[24]

In 1984, the New Order government announced that all organizations would have to accept state ideology Pancasila as their basis. Once again the NU was accommodating, with Gus Dur calling Pancasila a "noble compromise"[22] for Muslims. Five years later. Gus Dur was reelected for a second five-year term as chairman, a position he held until being elected president in 1999.[23]

Outside politics

Following the 1977 and 1982, but in 1984, the new NU chairman Abdurrahman Wahid (also known as Gus Dur), the son of Wahid Haschim, withdrew the NU from the PPP because of dissatisfaction with the NU's lack of influence. As a result, in the 1987 election, the PPP vote collapsed from 28% in 1982 to only 16%. From then on, it was expected that the NU would concentrate on religious and social activities.[19][20][21]

In 1960, President Sukarno banned Masyumi for alleged involvement in the Permesta rebellion. However, the fundamentalist and compradore leadership of NU saw the pro-poor Communist Party of Indonesia, which was close to Sukarno, as an obstacle to its ambitions, and competed with it to win support from the poor. Five years later, the coup attempt by the 30 September Movement took place. In 1965, the group took sides with the General Suharto-led army and was heavily involved in the mass killings of Indonesian communists. However, the NU later began to oppose Suharto's regime. In 1984, Abdurrahman Wahid, the grandson of NU founder Hasyim Asy'ari, inherited the leadership from his father, and was later elected President of Indonesia in 1999. He formally apologized for NU's involvement in the events of 1965. He also stated that "Nadhatul Ulama (NU) is like Shiite minus Imamah; similarly Shiite is NU plus Imamah." There have been many similarities between the two, such as the position and role of kyai. The main contrast between them is that in NU, the concept is visible in the form of accepted culture, while in Shia, it takes the form of theology.[18]

In the 1950s, the NU still wanted to see Indonesia become an Islamic state, and expressed its disapproval of a 1953 presidential speech in which Sukarno rejected this. Three years later, it also argued against Sukarno's "conception" that would eventually lead to the establishment of guided democracy, as this would mean PKI members sitting in the cabinet. On 2 March 1957, the Permesta rebellion broke out. Among its demands was the restoration of Mohammad Hatta to the vice-presidency. The NU supported these calls. Meanwhile, in the Constitutional Assembly, the NU joined Masyumi, the Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSII), the Islamic Educators Association (Perti) and other parties to form the Islamic Block, which wanted Indonesian to become an Islamic state. The block made up 44.8% of total seats. However, with none of the blocks able to command a majority and push through the constitution it wanted, the assembly failed to agree and was dissolved by Sukarno in a decree on 5 July 1959 that also restored the original 1945 Constitution, which declared the state to be based on the Pancasila philosophy, not Islam.[16][17]

On 29 September 1955, Indonesia held its first parliamentary elections. The NU came in third, with almost 7 million votes, 18.4% of the total, behind the Indonesian National Party and Masyumi. It was awarded 45 seats in the People's Representative Council, up from only eight before the election. The NU was the largest party in its East Java base, and 85.6% of its vote came from Java. There was a clear division between Masyumi, representing outer-island, urban voters and the NU, representing the rural Javanese constituency. Three months later, elections were held for the Constitutional Assembly, which was tasked with drawing up a permanent constitution. The results were very similar, with the NU winning 91 of the 114 seats.[13][14][15]

During the liberal democracy era (1950–1957), NU members served in a number of cabinet posts. In the first Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet, the NU held three seats, with Zainul Arifin appointed second deputy prime minister. However, following the fall of this cabinet, some NU members were opposed to the NU joining the new cabinet, to be formed by Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet, believing that if he was unable to form a cabinet, the NU would be invited to try. It was finally pressured into participating, and was awarded the interior and religious affairs portfolios in the cabinet, which was sworn in on 12 August 1955.[12]

[10] Following the recognition of Indonesian independence, a new party called

Transformation into islamic political party

In 1945, Sukarno and Hatta declared Indonesian independence. During the Indonesian war of independence, the NU declared that the fight against the Dutch colonial forces was a holy war, obligatory for all Muslims. Among the guerrilla groups fighting for independence were Hizbullah and Sabillilah, which were led by the NU.[10]

In 1937, despite poor relations between the NU and Muhammidayah, the two organizations established the Supreme Islamic Council of Indonesia (Wahid Hasyim. Other NU and Muhammadiyah figures held leadership positions.[10][11]

[10][9][8] The Nahdlatul Ulama (Revival/Awakening of



Nahdatul Ulama follow the ideology of Ahlussunah Wal Jama'ah, that takes the middle sect between extreme aqli (rationalist) with the extreme naqli (scripturalist). Because it's a source of ideas for not only the Qur'an, the Sunnah, but also the ability of the mind coupled with empirical reality. It referred to this way of thinking of earlier thinkers, such as Abu Hasan Al-Ash'ari and Abu Mansur Al-Maturidi in theology. Then in the following four schools of jurisprudence; Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali. While in the field of Sufism, it follows path of Al-Ghazali and Junaid al-Baghdadi.[7]



  • Ideology 1
  • History 2
    • Origin 2.1
    • Transformation into islamic political party 2.2
    • Outside politics 2.3
    • Post-New Order era 2.4
  • Aims 3
  • Leaders of organization 4
  • Institution 5
    • Lembaga 5.1
    • Lajnah 5.2
    • Badan Otonom 5.3
  • See also 6
  • References 7
  • Further reading 8
  • External links 9

NU also as a charitable body, helping to fill in many of the shortcomings of the Indonesian government in society; it funds schools, hospitals, and organizes communities into more coherent groups in order to help the poverty. [2][1] with membership of 40 million in 2003.[6]

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